As a journalist and author, without any affiliation to any party or politician, my responsibility is to research the truth as I understand it, in order to inform the public for a better society.
The political space in Kano has recently been heated due to the lingering crisis in the ruling party and its Kwankwasiyya movement. Before I delve into the issue at hand, we need to look back into history.
There is no smoke without fire, and looking into the history of the political rise of Kwankwaso since the 1990s, we can see a clear pattern of his seeming inclination to part ways with his mentors and mentees. Among the mentors he parted ways with are Abubakar Rimi, Senator Hamisu Musa, Musa Gwadabe, Lili Gabari, among others. Among his mentees were Ganduje, Nasiru Aliko, Rabiu Suleiman Bichi, Dangwani, Ado Doguwa, Kawu Sumaila, Barau Jibrin, Abdulmumini Jibrin, and others.
But mind you, this isn’t peculiar to Kwankwaso but reflects the general attitude of politicking in the country. We have seen political fallouts between Rimi and his benefactor, Malam Aminu Kano, between Obasanjo and Atiku, and more recently between Obaseki and his deputy, as well as El Rufai with his chosen successor.
This week, a viral video of Hon. Ali Madaki was making the rounds on social media, in which he bitterly castigates Kwankwaso. Some people condemned Madaki, calling him all sorts of names, saying he is a betrayer, forgetting how much Kwankwaso did for him. As I said earlier, that is politics, and there is no single person who benefited from Kwankwaso more than Ganduje. Yet, look at how Ganduje has caused not only Kwankwaso and Kwankwasiyya to suffer but also the entire Kano people.
Ali Madaki didn’t start his political career as a Kwankwasiyya adherent, and I am a bona fide witness that he made huge sacrifices for Kwankwaso. In 2018, just at the beginning of the rift that polarized the Kwankwasiyya-Gandujiyya conflict, I became privy to a secret plot to unseat Madaki from the House of Representatives by the power brokers in Dala, led by Nasiru Aliko and guided by Ganduje. I approached Madaki for a simple reason; aside from our friendship that predated politics, no one could deny Madaki was the most vocal of Northern members, and Dala Local Government had not produced a member like him since 1999. I informed Madaki of the plans to unseat him in favor of Babangida Yakudima, who didn’t have half of his capacity. Madaki trusted my information, knowing I had once been a PA to Nasiru Aliko when he was the National Youth Leader of the PDP. I advised him, for the sake of Dala, Kano, and the North, to cooperate and return to his seat—essentially, to live and fight another day. But to my surprise, Madaki swore he would rather lose his seat than abandon Kwankwaso. He eventually neglected his constituency and lost the seat for Kwankwaso’s sake.
Again, during the 2023 elections, Madaki wanted to contest for the Senate and perhaps got the green light from Madugu. However, the surprising alliance between Kwankwaso and Shekarau against Ganduje proved a more compelling reason that forced Madaki to shelve his senatorial ambition and give way to Shekarau’s candidacy. Unfortunately, the alliance didn’t last long, as Shekarau eventually abandoned it, accusing Kwankwaso.
Many would have thought Madaki would automatically receive the senatorial ticket, but he didn’t, and he settled for his former position as a member of the House. So I wasn’t surprised by Madaki’s vituperations against Madugu; I was expecting it. As I said earlier, there hasn’t been a single person who reached their peak with Kwankwaso without eventually parting ways. It remains to be seen whether the pattern will repeat itself with Governor Abba. Even though the governor recently downplayed the chances of a fallout, that could only be possible if Kwankwaso changes his tactics. Governors hold significant power in our system, and even if your biological child is the governor, you must tread carefully, or you could have a fallout.
Kwankwaso’s undue influence on this administration is counterproductive, hindering the otherwise good outcomes we expected initially. This administration came into office full of anger (Kwankwaso’s anger) against opponents, starting with unwanted demolitions that affected the entire state’s economy. This, in turn, triggered the heated environment surrounding the governorship trials that almost paralyzed the state. Soon after the Supreme Court victory, instead of thanksgiving to the Lord for the victory and rewarding Kano people with meaningful projects, the Emirate tussle resurfaced. The worst possible outcome—shameful for a thousand-year-old Emirate—was the existence of two Emirs side by side, thanks to the greedy nature of certain princes who facilitated the destruction of their own heritage.
The Tinubu administration has spread hunger across the land, even though, since 1999, no administration has raked in as much revenue. Kano has also enjoyed this windfall, receiving its largest chunk of the Federal allocation but with little tangible to show, even in the agriculture sector, to mitigate the rising food prices and hunger.
Kano has 22 dams lying idle, while the people around them languish in poverty. To understand the colossal wastage of these dams, consider that Tiga Dam, in the last 50 years, has powered at least the six local governments of Rano, Bunkure, Kura, Garun Malam, Tudun Wada, and Doguwa, using only 40% of its capacity, making this region the most fertile and productive in Nigeria. The youth in the area are gainfully employed year-round, so you rarely see Almajirai among them.
In an attempt to document Kano State’s water potential a few years ago, I embarked last year on a feasibility study regarding these 22 dams. I found a Chinese company interested in investing in the dams. Together with Hamisu Iyantama, we met the Commissioner of Water Resources, Ali Makoda, and I presented the feasibility study. The commissioner was so excited and arranged for us to return the following week to present the proposal to the ministry’s directors for further input. He also suggested submitting a request to His Excellency for permission to present it to the State Executive Council. I wrote the letter, submitted it to the governor’s office, and it was received and acknowledged. Five months later, neither the Commissioner nor the governor’s office has responded to calls, texts, or inquiries.
Kano, with 20 million people and adding 27,000 new residents every month, is projected to be more populous than many African countries. Blessed with 22 dams, two river systems, arable land, relative peace, and a wealth of professionals and intellectuals, Kano should not struggle with poverty if we could all come together to exploit its potential.
Kwankwaso, as Kawu Sumaila pointed out in a recent interview, is the most blessed politician north of the River Niger today. He should rally his people, drop all animosities, and take charge of this God-given opportunity, using this second chance to develop Kano and its people. I will also add that he should be mindful that time is running out for both him and the government. Nearly two years have passed since they came to power, yet nothing tangible has been achieved but numerous conflicts. Abubakar Rimi and Audu Bako were immortalized because they left enduring legacies that, for centuries, Kano people will remember and pray for. Kwankwaso should strive to become the third person in this great hall of immortality, as God has given him every chance and reason to do so—if only he cares to.
Ali Abubakar Sadiq, a Kano-based journalist, wrote this piece.
